Practice and Concept of Racial Profiling

We live in time when the beneficence of many socio-political and judicial policies, currently institutionalized in Western countries, is being increasingly doubted not only by ordinary citizens but by governmental top officials, as well.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Practice and Concept of Racial Profiling specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More For example, up until comparatively recent times, it used to be considered something utterly unlikely for the governmental official from a country that officially takes pride in being multicultural, to come up with public statements against ‘celebration of diversity’ policy. Nowadays, this is no longer the case – on October 17, 2010, German Chancellor Angela Merkel had officially declared that the policy of multiculturalism in Germany had failed miserably. In his article, Weaver (2010) quotes Merkel: â€Å"This [multicultural] approach has failed , utterly failed† (Guardian.co.uk). Therefore, it is only logical to expect that in very near future, the validity of many previously unquestionable multiculturalism-related and ideologically charged notions, such as the assumption that the practice of racial profiling by police is utterly inappropriate, would be revised. In our paper, we will aim at substantiating this thesis to a further extent. Even a brief glimpse on how the concept of racial profiling is being defined by social scientists and political activists that consider themselves particularly ‘progressive’ (read – affiliated with neo-Liberal agenda), reveals an undeniable fact that, while coming up with a definition, these people intentionally strive to emphasize concept’s moral unsuitability. For example, according to Banks (2001): â€Å"Racial profiling constitutes the intentional consideration of race in a manner that disparately impacts certain racial minority groups, contributing to the disproportionate investigation, detention, and mistreatment of innocent members of those groups† (p. 1077). The definition of racial profiling by Ramirez et al. (2000) appears being just as emotionally charged: â€Å"Any police-initiated action that relies on the race, ethnicity, or national origin, rather than the behavior of an individual or information that leads the police to a particular individual who has been identified as being, or having been, engaged in criminal activity† (p. 3).Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Both of these definitions, of course, were meant to expose the policy of racial profiling as being inheritably wicked and above all – scientifically unsubstantiated, as definitions’ very sounding implies that there is no link between the notion of race and the notion of crime. Nevertheless, as crime-related statistical data in dicates – the specifics of a particular individual’s biological constitution are indeed reflective of his or her tendency to indulge in anti-social behavior. According to statistical data, available on the web site of U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, in 2009, out of 125,910 incidents of rape/sexual assault, African-Americans perpetrated 110,100 – that is, despite the fact that as of 2009, African-Americans constituted only 13.5% of America’s total population. Therefore, the suggestions that crime has color are absolutely legitimate, at least from statistical point of view. This is why, even though the ideological censorship of political correctness has not yet ceased being an integral element of public discourse in the West, many intellectually honest political scientists find it impossible to refrain from mentioning certain things, of which ordinary citizens are being perfectly aware. Risse and Zeckhauser’s (2004) article substantiates the valid ity of an earlier statement, as it does promote the idea that, when being assessed from conceptual perspective, the policy of racial profiling appears scientifically credible: â€Å"There is a significant correlation between membership in certain racial groups and the tendency to commit certain crimes† (p. 132). In its turn, this explains why, as time goes by; the process of designing crime prevention policies in the U.S. and other Western countries continues to be increasingly affected by considerations of racial profiling, although in rather subtle manner. In their article, Hernandez-Murillo and Knowles (2004) state: â€Å"According to the U.S. Department of Justice (2001), 16 state police agencies required collection of race and ethnicity data for all traffic stops as of March 2001, compared to only seven states in 1999† (p. 959). Thus, as of today, we have a peculiar situation.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Practice and Concept of Racial Profiling specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More On one hand, the very idea of racial profiling continues to draw ever-increased amounts of public criticism, with the stories about racist-minded White police officers being discriminate against representatives of racial minorities appearing not only in tabloid press and T.V. but also in many academic journals, with the authors of anti-racial profiling articles and studies suggesting that statistical data indicate that, despite being forbidden to have their decisions affected by different forms of racial biases, officers continue to treat non-Whites in particularly harsh manner. In their study, Anwar and Fang (2006) state: â€Å"Data on trooper searches continue to show that higher proportion of troopers tend to search a minority motorists than white motorists† (p. 127). Some authors go even as far as implying the there is a certain conspirological aspect in how representatives of racial minorities are being subjected to racial profiling. According to Hurwitz and Peffley (2005): â€Å"Crimes with white victims generate significantly faster police response times, higher probabilities of arrest and prosecution, and more ‘vigilant’ investigative strategies. There is also a sub ­stantial bias due to the race of the suspect with officers more likely to use more force, arrest, and traffic profiling with black than white suspects† (p. 765). On the other hand; however, the validity of an idea that the extent of one’s criminal mindedness is being rather biologically then environmentally predetermined, appears to be favored by the growing number of biologists and practicing criminologists, which why the concept of so-called ‘managerial penology’ has now achieved a full academic legitimacy. According to proponents of ‘managerial penology’, it makes very little sense to believe that, after having ‘done timeà ¢â‚¬â„¢ in jail, criminals would be able to reconsider their anti-social behavior and to reintegrate into society, simply because it is not the poverty, lack of education, or the exposal to racism, that turns one into a criminal, but rather the particulars of his or her biological constitution. As Feeley and Simon (1992) had put it in their article: â€Å"The new penology is neither about punishing nor about rehabilitating individuals. It is about identifying and managing unruly groups. It is concerned with the rationality, not of individual behavior nor even of community organization, but of managerial processes. Its goal is not to eliminate crime but to make it tolerable through systemic coordination† (p. 452). Apparently, for individuals as Feeley and Simon, it is perfectly clear that the reason why representatives of racial minorities are more likely than Whites to be stopped and searched by cops, for seemingly nor reason, is that they are more predisposed towards committ ing crimes – plain and simple.Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More In their book Heumann and Cassak (2003) had made a good point, while implying that one’s tendency to refer to racial profiling as morally despicable or as entirely legitimate and valid crime-combating practice, depends on a perspective from which one chooses to discuss the issue: â€Å"We learned that profiling was, and is, a laudable police practice, some ­thing quite different from the ‘profiling’ of popular dis ­course. A ‘profiler’ is, in fact, a skilled law enforcement offi ­cer trained in drawing inferences about wrongdoers in a patterned series of cases† (p. 5). The fact that different people seem to adopt often diametrically opposite views on racial profiling, suggests that the public outcry, directed against legitimization of this policy, is discourse-related. In other words, it is namely because, during the course of last twenty-thirty years, citizens in Western countries were made to believe in the beneficence of ‘multic ulturalism’ and ‘political correctness’, which explains why many of these citizens tend to think of racial profiling as something utterly horrible. Yet, such their attitude can the least referred to as rationally motivated – after having been instilled with the irrational belief in people’s equality, most citizens find it emotionally uncomfortable to reconsider many of their discourse-related opinions, based upon such a belief. This; however, does not mean that their negative opinions, in regards to the subject matter, cannot be challenged – just as it has always been the case, throughout the course of human history, while opposing science, the irrationally defined ‘morality’ simply does not stand a chance, whatsoever. And, it is namely the revolutionary breakthroughs in the fields of genetics, medicine and I.T. that had taken place during the course of last century (particularly during the course of last few decades), upon which the proponents of racial profiling base their arguments. In the next part of our paper, we will explore this idea at length. In 1895, the founder of Positivist Criminology Cesare Lombroso had published his famous book L’Homme Criminel (Criminal Man), in which he had proven beyond any reasonable doubt that individual’s likelihood to commit especially horrendous criminal acts is being reflected by the extent of such individual’s anthropological atavism. According to Lombroso, the more physical appearance of a particular individual is being affected by anthropological atavism, the more such an individual would be likely to act as a slave to its animalistic urges, extrapolated in his or her tendency to act as ‘natural born criminal’: â€Å"Atavism remains one of the most constant characteristics of the born criminal, in spite of, or rather together with pathology. Many of the characteristics of primitive man are also commonly found in the born crimin al, including low, sloping foreheads, overdeveloped sinuses, overdevelopment of jaws and cheekbones, prognathism, oblique and large eye sockets, dark skin† (2006, p. 222). The reason why bearers of atavistic traits appear being genetically predisposed towards committing crime is that their biological underdevelopment prevents them from being able to suppress their animalistic urges while living as the members of a society ruled by law. On evolutionary ladder, such individuals are being placed in the middle between the species of primates and the species of homo sapiens. It is perfectly understandable that, in society where the policy of multiculturalism enjoys an official status, and where politically active citizens are being often accused of uttering ‘hate speech’, while simply articulating their opinions publically, there are simply no objectively existing preconditions for law enforcement agencies to officially incorporate Lombroso’s theory as an integr al part of deployed investigative techniques. However, this does not make the methodology of Positivist Criminology less valid, especially in the light of recent genetics-related scientific discoveries. As it was pointed out by Williams (2007): â€Å"He (Lombroso) first hypothesized that the tendency to commit crime was mirrored in the physical characteristics, or physiognomy, of the criminal, including such factors as race and color†¦ As gene research advances, some behavioural traits that were designated as learned are being cast into doubt and reclassified as innate† (Humanities Social Sciences). This is exactly the reason why, despite the fact that the theory of Positivist Criminology is still being officially regarded as ‘non-scientific’, police officers do resort to its utilization, especially in times when society applies an additional pressure upon them to increase the effectiveness of their crime-combating strategies. For example, during the course of a few days, before the opening of Moscow Olympics in 1982, Moscow’s police had simply gathered up city’s residents with clearly defined atavistic traits about their appearance and had sent them outside of the city, for duration of Olympic Games. As a result, not a single incident of criminal activity has been reported in this city of eight millions, while the Games were on. Therefore, the practice of racial profiling should actually be referred to as the practice of ‘atavistic profiling’ – in the eyes of a police officer, it makes very little difference whether the potential suspect is Black or White, but only whether suspect’s physical appearance radiates viciousness. The fact that the representatives of racial minorities are more likely to complain about being ‘profiled’ than Whites, has nothing to do with police’s racialist maliciousness, but rather with ‘ethnically unique’ citizens’ lessened val ue as representatives of homo sapiens specie. Despite seeming inappropriateness of an earlier statement, its legitimacy can be proven with ease. For example, we are all aware of what happened to former Europe’s colonies in Africa, after these colonies had shaken off the ‘yoke of White oppression’ – within a matter of decade, after the ‘liberation’, African tribal societies have regressed back to the state of primeval savagery. As of today, essentially the whole continent of Africa (with probable exception of South Africa and Africa’s Islamic states) has been effectively reduced into the battleground for tribal war of ‘everybody against everybody’. And, it is namely the raging epidemic of gang-rape, which defines the criminological realities in today’s Africa. In her article, Moore (2005) states: â€Å"According to estimated figures, sixty children are raped every day in South Africa. Children under eighteen years of age represent an estimated 40% of South African rape victims†¦ It is a popular myth in AIDS-ravaged South Africa that having sex with a virgin cures the disease† (p. 1469). While being confronted with unsightly realities of post-colonial Africa, liberally minded Western social scientists continue to blame just about everything on the ‘legacy of colonial oppression’. For example, while trying to come up with explanation as to why in today’s South Africa, women are being recommended not to leave their house alone, in her article Moffett (2006) says: â€Å"I argue that contemporary sexual violence in South Africa is fuelled by justificatory narratives that are rooted in apartheid practices that legitimated violence by the dominant group against the disempowered† (p. 129). Nevertheless, despite her article’s superficial sophistication, author had failed at explaining why someone, presumably ‘underpowered’ and ‘hungryâ€⠄¢, would think of raping women as such that constitutes his life’s foremost priority? In order for us to address this question, we will need to make reference to one of the most recent scientific publications that effectively dispels the myth of people’s equality, upon which the critics of racial profiling base their arguments. In their book I.Q. and the wealth of nations, Lynn and Vanhanen (2002) were able to prove that, the actual reason why Africa’s natives continue to suffer from poverty, while never ceasing to explore their criminal-mindedness by gang-raping women and by indulging in tribal warfare, has nothing to do with the ‘legacy of apartheid’, but with the simple fact that, in terms of intellectual development, most Africa’s natives did not advance too far from their immediate biological predecessors: â€Å"I.Q.s appear to be determined by the racial and ethnic make-up of the populations†¦ The I.Q.s of 96 are typical of Euro peans. The countries with lower proportions of Europeans and higher proportions of Native Americans, Blacks, and Mestizos have lower I.Q.s† (p. 63). According to Lynn and Vanhanen, in such African countries as Equatorial Guinea and Central African Republic, the average rate of citizens’ Intellectual Quotidian (I.Q.) is being estimated as low as 50; whereas, Whites that score lower than 70, while I.Q. tested, are being declared mentally deficient. And, one’s inability to operate with abstract categories, reflected by his or her particularly low I.Q. score, is nothing but an indication of person’s existential atavism. Why is it that the perpetrators of particularly violent crimes often have a hard time realizing the sheer wickedness of their criminal behavior? This is because, due to their intellectual primitiveness, most of these criminals do not even understand what the concept of morality stands for, in the first place. The reason why Medias refer to part icularly gruesome crimes as ‘inhuman’, ‘bestial’ and ‘savage’, is that their perpetrators cannot be assumed fully human. The qualitative essence of their existential mode, reflected by the extent of their atavistic criminal-mindedness, is being predetermined by objectively existing biological laws, which apply to people as much as they apply to animals and plants. For example, dog breeders are well aware of the fact that particularly vicious dogs are always the ones that had been affected by crossbreeding the most. Pit-bulls, famed for their unprovoked attacks on even small children, have been artificially cross-breaded out of genetic pool, associated with thirty different dog pedigrees. Apparently, the same applies to people – the more they are being affected by racial mongrelization, the more they will be likely to derive pleasure out of indulging in criminally violent behavior. Out of 812 acts of homicide that had taken place in Puert o-Rico, during the course of 2009, only 25 were recognized as having been premeditated. This explains country police’s utter operational inefficiency in trying to prevent crime – unlike what it is the case among Whites, even a slightest domestic dispute among Puerto-Ricans can unpredictably escalate into a full-scale gunfight. There is also a sociological aspect to our line of argumentation – apart from the fact that in many instances, people who complain about being ‘racially profiled’ appear ‘natural born criminals’ from anthropological point of view, it is perfectly logical for police officers to treat them with suspicion, on the account of these people being endowed with collectivist mentality alone. In her article, Mkabela (2005) states: â€Å"Most African worldviews emphasize belongingness, connectedness, community participation and people centeredness† (p. 180). In all probability, it never occurred to the author that her characterization of African worldviews could also be used to define the subtleties of how people from Third World address life’s challenges, in general. Unlike what it is the case with urbanized Whites, known for their intellectual openness and their ability to adjust their behavior to the demands of impersonal law, representatives of racial minorities in Western countries consciously choose in favor of essentially tribal mode of existence, while never ceasing to manifest the strength of their primitive religiosity, whenever opportunity presents itself. Immediately, after having arrived to Western countries, instead of trying to integrate into the host society, ‘ethnically unique’ immigrants embark upon creation of their own societies within the society. In its turn, this explains why nowadays, every large Western city features its own ethnic ‘ghettos’, where residents feel comparatively safe while indulging in criminal behavior – after all, c ops try not to enter these ‘ghettos’, even while being called upon, in order not to provoke racial riots. It appears that many representatives of racial minorities simply do not realize a simple fact that that the strength of their tribal ‘belongingness’ and ‘connectedness’, is being counter-proportionate to their ability to function as productive members of post-industrial urban societies. In the eyes of tribally minded individual, the notions of Western civil and criminal laws have no significance, simply because such an individual lives by his own tribal laws, the most important of which are: make babies, invite more relatives to come to the country, and demand even more individual rights and privileges. And, people who prefer observing their own tribal/religious laws, as opposed to observing Western secular and impersonal laws, are best described as criminals-in-making, because they perceive the very concept of civil law as something utterl y alien to the workings of their mentality. This is why, upon being exposed to the sight of ‘ethnically unique’ person, with the towel wrapped around his head, police officers would be naturally inclined to ask such an individual for I.D., especially if encountering him at the airport or another public place. Therefore, under no circumstances should we refer to police officers’ tendency to utilize racial profiling as the indication of their professional unfitness – one the contrary, the more they appear being comfortable with the concept, the better would be their chances to attain professional excellence. Apparently, police officers’ tendency to treat representatives of racial minorities with suspicion is not an indication of their irrational biasness towards the people of color, but rather an indication of their psychological adequateness. After all, we do not accuse people who refuse to jump in the lake filled with hungry crocodiles of being â₠¬Ëœbiased’ against the reptiles. Similarly, we cannot be accusing cops for being extra vigilant, while dealing with people whose biological/mental constitution makes them predisposed towards committing crime, without giving any seconds thoughts, whatsoever. Thus, the fact that a variety of strongly negative connotations is being currently ascribed to the policy of racial profiling, should be discussed as yet another proof that the process of designing socio-political policies in America continues to be the least observant of the notion of sanity. For example, just as acquittal of O.J. Simpson in 1995 had shown, in today’s America it is quite possible for ‘ethnically unique’ perpetrator of a violent crime to walk out of the courtroom a free man, if his or her defenders prove that the element of racial profiling did play part in how investigators proceeded with executing their professional duties. During the course of L.A. racial riots in 1992, police office rs had been given an unofficial order not to get involved, even in time when Whites were dragged out of their cars and killed on the spot by the raging mobs of Blacks, in front of cops’ very eyes. In the aftermath of hurricane Katrina that had struck New Orleans in 2005, city’s White residents had suddenly realized that they could only rely upon themselves, when it came to defending their property from hordes of looting Blacks – cops simply would not get involved, while being terribly afraid of losing their jobs, on account of ‘racial profiling’ accusations. It appears that, just as it is being the case with racism/multiculturalism related discourse, racial-profiling related discourse is best discussed in terms of psychiatry. At first, ‘progressive’ policy-makers create preconditions for criminally minded people from Third World, affected by anthropological and intellectual atavism, to be able to immigrate to America. After that, the sa me policy-makers occupy themselves with trying to figure out how newly arrived immigrants’ inborn criminal mindedness can be addressed, without references being make to the specifics of these people’s racial affiliation. As a popular saying goes – when God decides to punish people, he deprives them of their ability to think logically. It is needless to mention, of course, that while trying to increase the levels of interracial tolerance in American society, the neo-Marxian proponents of a welfare state (which they envision as a multicultural utopia, where citizens’ celebrate diversity’ 24/7), never cease preferring to reside in White suburbia, on the account of suburbia’s schools being ‘better’ and streets being ‘safer’. Therefore, in order for these people to reconsider their views on racial profiling, they would have to be prompted to take a leisurely stroll along the street in just about any ethnic ‘ghettoà ¢â‚¬â„¢, after it gets dark. The earlier articulated arguments point to the fact that, within the contextual framework of discourse about racial profiling, there can be only two sides: the side of sanity and the side multiculturalism-related insanity. In its turn, this explains an utter methodological inconsistency in how law enforcement agencies go about ensuring citizens’ safety. On one hand, many spokespersons for these agencies never get tired defending the appropriateness of a practice of taking tubes with toothpaste away from the passengers, before they board planes, regardless of passengers’ ethnic affiliation. But on another hand, they simultaneously speak in favor of allowing specific categories of citizens to be exempted from the law, due to these citizens’ inability to even understand what the concept of secular and impersonal law is all about. For example, during the course of 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, Sikh-Canadians were allowed to carry hu ge daggers in public, as these people’s lawyers had proven that forbidding Sikh-Canadians to carry illegal knives in public would constitute the violation of their civil rights. In his article, Kaur (2009) states: â€Å"Sikhs will be able to carry a kirpan (Sikh article of faith), to Olympic events if they adhere to a number of conditions, the Vancouver 2010 Integrated Security Unit has announced. ISU doesn’t expect the religious item will pose an additional risk at venues† (Global Sikh News). To paraphrase George Orwell – all people are equal, but some people are more equal than the others are. As we have illustrated in the earlier parts of this paper, the policy of racial profiling is scientifically legitimate, even though people who lack education would most definitely think otherwise. In a similar manner, during the course of 19th century, uneducated people thought of a practice of vaccination as ‘morally wicked’. Yet, the practical imple mentation of this policy in the realm of public health care had helped saving millions of lives. Given the fact that many historical parallels could be drawn between the policy of enforced vaccination and the policy of racial profiling (both policies continue to be actively resisted by self-proclaimed ‘experts on morality’), it would not be much of an exaggeration to suggest that the full implementation of policy of racial profiling in the realm of American jurisprudence, would result in drastic improvement of criminological situation in this country. There is only one barrier on the way of such implementation – the fact that many Americans continue to profess the values of multiculturalism as representing an undeniable truth-value. However, there are good reasons to believe that it is only the matter of time, before America would follow the footsteps of Switzerland and Germany, where policy-makers had proven themselves responsible enough to end the insanity of m ulticulturalism, at least in conceptual sense of this word. And, once the hawks of multiculturalism are being stripped of their governmental offices, there would be very little resistance on the way of racial profiling full legitimization. As it happened many times, throughout the course of history, once science triumphs over ‘morality’ and artificially induced ‘tolerance’, the society where it happened automatically becomes much more tolerant and moral. References Anwar, S. Fang, H. (2006). An alternative test of racial prejudice in motor vehicle searches: Theory and evidence. The American Economic Review  96(1), 127-151. Banks, R. (2001). Race-based suspect selection and colorblind equal protection doctrine and discourse. UCLA Law Review 48(2), 1075-124. Feeley, M. Simon, J. (1992). The new penology: Notes on the emerging strategy of corrections and its implications, Criminology 30(4), 449–474. Hernandez-Murillo, R. Knowles, J. (2004). Racial profiling or racist policing?  International Economic Review 45(3), 959-989. Heumann, M. Cassak, L. (2003). Good cop, bad cop: Racial profiling and  competing views of justice in America. Studies in crime and punishment. New York: Peter Lang. Hulme, D. (1990). The political Olympics: Moscow, Afghanistan, and the 1980  U.S. boycott. New York, Praeger. Hurwitz, J. Peffley, M. (2005). Explaining the great racial divide: Perceptions of fairness in the U.S. criminal justice system. The Journal of Politics 67(3), 762- 783. Kaur, A. (2009). Sikh can carry kirpans to Olympics events in Canada. Global  Sikh News. Web. Lombroso, C. (1911) 2006. Criminal man. Durham: Duke University Press. Lynn, R. Vanhanen, T. (2002). IQ and the wealth of nations. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Publishing Group. Mkabela, Q. (2005). Using Afrocentric method in researching indigenous African culture. Qualitative Report 10(1), 178-189. Moffett, H. (2006). ‘These women, they force us to rape them†™: Rape as narrative of social control in post-apartheid South Africa. Journal of Southern African  Studies 32(1), 129-144. Moore, A. (2005). Endangered species: Examining South Africa’s national rape crisis and its legislative attempt to protect its most vulnerable citizens.  Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 38(5),1469-98. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (2006). Homicides among children and  young adults – Puerto Rico, 1999 – 2003. Web. Ramirez, D. et al. (2000). A resource guide on racial profiling data col ­lection  systems: Promising practices and lessons learned. Boston: Northeast ­ern University Press. Risse, M. Zeckhauser, R. (2004). Racial profiling. Philosophy and Public Affairs  32(2), 131-170. U.S. Department of Justice. (2009). Criminal Victimization, 2009. Web. Weaver, M. (2010). Angela Merkel: German multiculturalism has ‘utterly failed’. Guardian.co.uk. Web. Williams, I. (2007). Criminal man rediscovered. Humanities Social Sciences  Online. Web. 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How to Scale Your Business Reach a Larger Audience [PODCAST]

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The Historical Development of the Juvenile Court Essay

The Historical Development of the Juvenile Court - Essay Example In 1825, a refuge institution was opened in New York that was the first of its kind to deal with the juvenile delinquents, followed by the opening of two other institutions of the same kind. The methods of treatment used in these institutions included corporal punishments and heavy labor. Voices were raised against such a treatment of the children and eventually, a juvenile court bill was passed in 1899 in Illinois. The main role of these courts was to rehabilitate and reform neglected children, children who committed offences not deemed appropriate for their age and who committed offences that would be considered crimes if carried out by adults. 2. Discuss the development of due process rights for juveniles through several key U.S. Supreme Court cases. Answer: The U.S. Supreme Court did not recognize procedural restrictions for juvenile courts because of their rehabilitative nature as opposed to punitive nature. But the Gerald Gault case of 1964 set precedent for the subsequent deve lopment of the due process rights for juveniles. In this case, the child was initially institutionalized for six years, the punishment for the similar offence for adults was a mere 50$ or a few months detention. On the appeal of the parents, the Supreme Court reversed the Arizona case decision and the development of due process rights started taking shape. Other significant developments in defining procedural restrictions which resulted from case trials were: the decision in the Mckiever v Pennsylvania case that the states had the right to use jury trials independently in juvenile cases but this was not a constitutional requirement, the Roper v Simmons case which resulted in the minimum age for death penalty being set at 18 years and many other such cases. 3. What are different models used to transfer a juvenile to adult court? Why would a state want to transfer a juvenile out of the juvenile justice system? Answer: There are three models of transferring juveniles to adult courts: a ) Judicial Waiver: It is the instance of transferring a juvenile case to a criminal court due to the transfer or waiver of jurisdiction by the judge himself. b) Concurrent Jurisdiction: It is also known as the Prosecutorial Discretion because in these cases the prosecution has the choice of either filing the case in the juvenile court or the criminal court. c) Statutory Exclusion: The cases where the criminal courts have original jurisdiction, the juvenile cases are transferred through this model. The reason why some of the juvenile cases are transferred to adult courts is that the nature of their offences is extremely violent and the public outrage over some of the offences like school shootings etc. makes it difficult to prosecute them under juvenile due process.  

The Lemba Clan, Are They Real Jews Essay Example for Free

The Lemba Clan, Are They Real Jews Essay Introduction Walking through the Venda Plaza shopping center in Thohoyandou, South Africa, R dai ae ta a ad a tm ,T aioe f Jws bo e . Gv g i a uznw vdo m n n si o eâ€Å" hts n o my e i rt r† i n h d h hs i m pzl ytn i e l kh ep i dâ€Å"a a l k e . cm f m I al l gi e uz d ei r ud o ,e xln ,Im Ba Jw We a er s eao t e tg o ae c o r n m aoT e hv poe iwt gns N t nowing what to say and not having heard about this g. hy ae rvdt i ee. o k h † before, I let his statement pass. My time in South Africa was devoted to working with a victim empowerment program, but I continued to wonder about the idea of Black Jews. The Black Jew or Lemba population creates a blip on a cultural map of sub-Saharan Africa. When researchers discovered and studied them over the last fifteen years, the Lemba also made a blip on the genetic map of sub-Saharan Africa. Genetic analysis of the Lemba has focused primarily on the Y chromosome, which is useful for studying variation among and distance between populations. The Lemba genetic markers support the oral tradition which says the Lemba came from the north. This paper reviews biological and cultural studies of the Lemba and the correlation between genes and oral tradition to propose a biocultural history for the Lemba people. Biology Genetic Variation across Populations Much of the study of genetic variation has focused on dissimilarity between groups. Genetic variation over time is used to postulate about the place and time of the origins of modern humans as well as subsequent movement and migration. Genetic variation is the greatest in Africa, and it is reasoned that the longer a group has been around, the more variation it will have in its gene pool. Additionally, the longer groups are apart, the greater their genetic distance (Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza, 1995). Maps of variation show migrations out of, around, 1 and back in to Africa (Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza, 1995). Based on comparison of genetic landscapes, maps by Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza (1995) show the arrival of Neolithic cultivators in northern Africa 8,000 to 9,000 years ago. The migration of people continues down the eastern side of Africa, with groups mixing and moving. According to Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza (1995), the Bantu arrived in South Africa 300 to 400 years ago, and the archaeological and linguistic data support the history of Bantu expansion. Cavalli-Sforza’t e o py gnt r aosi a gnr e t og ae g sr s f hl eece t nh s r ee t h uh vr e e o i li p e ad r a linkage analysis. Synthetic maps are produced from principle-component analysis of multiple gene frequencies. MacEachern (2000), however, criticizes Cavalli-Soz’sn eio gns fr s yt s f ee a h s and language for its assumptions about the nature of language and groups and its lack of cni r i o t d e i o hm n oii . A r a e n ui a ntone, os e t n fh i rt f u a sc ts â€Å" fcn t i n s r obudd d ao e v sy ee i hc t e homogeneous monoliths either frozen in place since before A. D. 1492 or caroming around the continent like cultural-ba n b lr bl†MaE ce ,00 7) G nr sn ec as er g ii d as ( c ahr 20: 0. ee lyt t m p i la l n 3 a hi provide a visual representation of variation, but they do not show how the variation came to exist nor do they reveal anomalies. The Lemba are an anomaly in the genetic patterns of Southern Africa. Variation and the Y Chromosome The primary genetic research on the Lemba has used the Y chromosome for comparison with other groups. The Y chromosome has many characteristics that make it favorable for investigating lineage. Almost all of the Y chromosome consists of non-recombining regions and the information is passed intact from generation to generation, from father to son. The variations, called polymorphisms, occur so infrequently that they are commonly called unique event polymorphisms (UEPs) (Stumpf and Goldstein, 2001). UEPs occur along male lines in 2 different time intervals, thus the changes can be compared between and among groups to examine relatedness and age by identifying variations (Bradman and Thomas 1998). More changes on the Y indicate an older line, and more shared sequences between Ys indicate a more similar gene pool. Once thought of as mainly junk, researchers have identified 20 different genes on the Y (Lowenstein, 1999). The function of Y is related to imparting maleness and to fertility (see figure 1). Figure 1: The human Y chromosome (Quintana-Murci et al. , 2000:173) Because most of the Y does not recombine, the Ycrm sm ise a a ui r tl ho oo es en s â€Å"n a n l p e ay t nm tdi ae ru† r s ie l kg gop which allows the history of the paternal line to be deduced (Poloni et a t n al. , 1997: 1015). The non-recombining section of the Y has the potential for a large number of different mutations (Stumpf and Goldstein, 2001). Because most variation in the Y is not expressed, changes are not selected for or against, which allows the record of these changes gets passed on (Bradman and Thomas, 1998). Four types of changes can occur between generations: microsatellites, minisatellites, snips and indels (Bradman and Thomas, 1998). Microsatellites are a section of repeats of a short 3 nucleotide sequence and minisatellites are a section of repeats of longer sequences. Snips refers to single nucleotide polymorphisms, meaning one nucleotide is changed. Indels are insertions or deletions of DNA in a particular location (Bradman and Thomas, 1998). An example of an indel is the Y chromosome Alu polymorphism (YAP). Alu is a sequence of about 300 base pairs which is inserted into a particular region of the DNA. There have been about half a million Alu insertions in human DNA and YAP is one of the more recent (Bradman and Thomas, 1998). Because they are unique event polymorphisms, YAP inserts and snips are unlikely to have arisen more than once in evolution (Thomas et al. 2000). An Alu can be copied, but it is not removed from a locus. After an Alu change, the YAP will accumulate new mutations at the same rate as surrounding DNA loci. One can think of an Alu insertion as a fossil, and patterns of new mutation allow the fossils to be sorted into lineages. (Dolan DNA Learning Center 2002). Different combinations of polymorphisms are known as haplotypes (Bradman and Thomas 1998). The more similar the haplotype frequencies of two populations, the more similar their biological history is likely to be (Bradman and Thomas 1998). Quintana-Murci, Krausz, and McElreavey caution that genetic drift, founder effects, and male-specific migration processes may lead to over-representation of specific haplotypes (2001). Genetic drift refers to random change in gene frequencies between generations which will cause frequencies to fluctuate up or down (Releford, 2003). After enough time and if no other forces are acting on a population, variation within a population will be reduced (Releford, 2003). The founder effect is a type of genetic drift where a small number of people form a new population, causing allele frequencies to deviate from the parent population (Releford, 2003). The Lemba Y 4 If Lemba migrated from Judea and Yemen and maintained the tradition of marrying only within the group, the Lemba Y haplotypes may be over-represented when compared to the neighboring populations. Thus, the Lemba Y is useful for comparison with African and Semitic populations their contribution to the Lemba. More genetic evidence of a non-Bantu origin for the Lemba is expected and found (Bradman and Thomas 1998). The Lemba Y has an additional genetic marker that indicates links to the Jewish priest class Cohen. Members cannot be appointed to this class and priesthood can only be inherited, thus a possible Jewish marker will be preserved down the line (Bradman and Thomas 1998; Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza 1995). Judaism began in Semitic tribes living about 4,000 years ago in the Middle East. In 586 B. C. , the Babylonian exile spread Jewish populations out of present-day Israel (Hammer et al. 2000). Hammer et al. (2000) used Y chromosome haplotypes to trace the parental origins of the Jewish Diaspora. Multi-dimensional scaling (figure 1 ) of frequencies of 18 Y-chromosome haplotypes in 29 populations produced three main clusters: sub-Saharan African, North African, and European. 5 Figure 2: Multi-dimensional scaling from Hammer et al. (2000:6772) The Jewish cluster appears in between the European and North African population clusters. The Lemba population is set halfway between sub-Saharan African and Jewish clusters (Hammer et al. 2000). Genetic and geographic distances were not correlated for other Jewish populations, which supports a recent dispersal and subsequent isolation model. Hammer et al. conclude that â€Å" m j pro o N Yb ll d e i .. ae to a common Middle Eastern source a a r ot n f R ili i rt . t cs o i aec v sy r ppli svr t uad erao (00 74. h iue lo ea an c i s f ou t n ee lh sn ya g†20: 7) T i s sf frvl t g lm o ao a o s 6 s u ui a Jewish origins as well as for supporting old ties to the Middle East. Once populations dispersed from the Middle East, gene flow with surrounding populations was likely. The Lemba present genetic markers identified with Bantu and Semitic populations (Spurdle and Jenkins, 1996; Wilson and Goldstein, 2000). Wilson and Goldstein (2000) examined 66 markers on the X chromosome to study the effect of admixture of Bantu and Semitic populations on linkage disequilibrium. Recent mutations will tend to have more linkage d eu i i (D t n i o eoe ( l n n G l tn20)â€Å" h s n i n i qib u L )h wl l r nsWio ad o s i 00. T e i ic t s lr m a ld s de, g fa difference between partially linked and unlinked loci rules out substructure as the sole source of the LD in the Lemba . . . Ethiopian-Bantu differentiation is not sufficient to produce the d eu i i osre it L m a ( l n n G l tn20: 2.T e oc s ns i qib u be dn h e b†Wio ad o s i 00 3) h cnl i i s lr m v e s de, 9 uo that the Lemba LD has two sources: parental population and admixture. Another examination on the worldwide distribution of Y haplotypes (Poloni et al. , 1997) found a significant correlation between genetic and linguistic distances. The picture of genetic affinities places the Lemba not with other sub-Saharan African populations but with Afro-Asiatic populations (figure 2 ) indicating admixture or a different parent population from other subSaharan groups. 6 Figure 3: Multi-dimensional scaling from Poloni et al. (1997:1019) Spurdle and Jenkins (1996) also looked at Bantu-Semitic variations to establish genetic affinities and offer a model for the origin of the Lemba. Their study analyzed allele frequencies of Y-linked Restriction Length Fragment Polymorphisms (RLFPs). Ht4 is a typical Negroid haplotype and it is found in the Lemba sample at a frequency of . 20, which indicates significant Negroid male gene flow into the Lemba (Spurdle and Jenkins, 1996). Ht7, Ht8, and Ht11 are Caucasoid markers and the Lemba show high frequencies of these markers as well. These haplotypes seem to be typical of Jewish populations but also occur in Asiatic Indians, thus it is not possible to distinguish between Semitic and Asiatic Indian sources with these markers (Spurdle and Jenkins, 1996). The allele frequencies of the Lemba are significantly different from those of the Bantu-speaking Negroid population and the European population but not from those of the Jewish group. Spurdle and Jenkins (1996) conclude that 50% of the Lemba Y chromosomes analyzed appear to be of Caucasoid origin, and 36% appear to be of Negroid origin. 7. One possible method for distinguishing a Semitic origin, versus a general Middle Eastern origin, of the Lemba is to make comparisons with the Cohen modal haplotype, which is dominant in the Jewish priesthood (Thomas et al. , 1998). There are three castes of Jewish males: Cohanim, the paternally inherited priesthood; Leviim, non-Cohen members of the paternally defined priestly tribe of Levi; Israelites, all non-Cohen and non-Levite Jews (Thomas et al. , 1998). If the Lemba Y has Jewish origins, the Cohen modal haplotype is expected to be present. Thomas et al. (2000) continue the study of Bantu and Semitic markers in the Lemba adding the investigation of the Cohen modal haplotypes. Y chromosomes were analyzed for six microsatellites and six biallelic markers in the Lemba, Bantu, Yemini-Handramaut, YemeniSena, Sephardic Jews, and Ashkenazic Jews. The twelve polymorphic markers were characterized in multiple Jewish populations and identified single haplotypes (Thomas et al. , 2000). Genealogical trees were drawn based on microsatellite variation to explore possible origins of the Lemba Y chromosomes (Thomas et al., 2000). The trees can be used to assess whether each Lemba haplotype has a close genealogical relationship with one or more haplotypes in the other five populations. Trees for the individual haplotypes were drawn for each UEP group by measures of average squared distance and proportion of shared alleles (Thomas et al. , 2000). Thomas et al. (2000) designate 67. 6% of Lemba chromosomes as having a Semitic origin and the other 32. 4% to have a Bantu origin. The high frequency of the Cohen modal haplotype in the general Lemba population supports a Jewish contribution to Lemba gene pool found. The Cohen modal haplotype is observed only moderately in Ashkenazic and Sephardic Israelites, in a single Yemeni, and is present in a very low frequency in Palestinian Arabs (Thomas et al. , 2000). The genetic evidence is consistent with the Lemba oral history of Jewish origins in a population outside of Africa followed by admixture with Bantu neighbors. 8 Culture Oral tradition and Origins of Lemba The Lemba people claim ancient Jewish origins. According to oral history, they come from Judea, from whence they traveled to Sena. From Sena they crossed into Africa, moving down the coast, building great cities in Zimbabwe, and finally settling the northern part of South Africa. Additionally, the Lemba assert Jewish identity through their customs of food prohibitions, ritual slaughter of animals, and circumcision (Buijs, 1998; NOVA 1999; Parfitt 1992). These are not black people who have been recently converted to Judaism. Judaism is not a proselytizing faith thus conversion and intermarriage as an explanation for Jewish genes is unlikely (Cavalli-Sforza and Cavalli-Sforza, 1995). However, many groups across the world claim connections to lost tribes of Israel (Parfitt, 1992). Furthermore, the surge in Lemba Jewish identity is connected to political economy and other social circumstances in South Africa in the last fifty years (Buijs, 1998). The Lemba say they came from the North, possibly from Judea. Then they went to Sena, they crossed Pusela and came to Africa, where they broke the law of God and were scattered across African nations (NOVA, 1999). Parfitt (1992) located Sena in a remote valley of Southern Yemen. Parfitt reasons that Pusela is similar to the Masilah River, which they would have had to cross to get from Sena to the sea. The port town of Sayhut was used for Arab exploration of Africa. In Hadramaut, the valley where Sena is located, tribes have the same names as Lemba tribe names (NOVA, 1999; Parfitt, 1992). Genetic samples of Lemba and of people in the Hadramaut showed similar features as well as the Cohen modal haplotype (NOVA, 1999). Lemba Identity in South Africa 9 The Lemba live in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, but according to Buijs it is only in South Africa where one finds the belief of Jewish origins (1998). The Semitic identity was propagated by early white missionaries and colonial officials; their writings emphasized differences of the Lemba by comparison with European Jewish communities (Buijs, 1998). T ee ri supr d a e o o a ii tdn t (u s19: 1. u s19) o s hs w in spot â€Å"n t s f d t ci ty B i,98 6) B i (98 nt tg e h sn e i † j 6 j e that the Lemba were aware of their distinct cultural heritage prior to colonization, but when ethnic identity became important in Apartheid, the Lemba Cultural Association (LCA) became a m d mfrosut g peet a Jws H rae B i asr,T eniec ..n ei o cnt cn a r n dy e i e t . u s s t â€Å" h i s ne . O u r i s h ig j es st their Jewish heritage is a direct result of the struggle for resources, initially land and later civil sri j sit N r e Tasaln V na (98 6) Ietyi l i r i ad e c o , h ot r r vaad ed†19: 2. dn t n u n a a n ve b n e hn n 6 i, c d g c l ethnic identities, is not a static concept. Identity, especially during Apartheid, was tied to power. The Lemba Cultural Association was founded in the 1940s when Europeans were encroaching o r or s T e C polm d spr e u uai n tadh L m a i pr ne n e uc .h L A rc i e a ea tcl r d ty n t e b’ m ot c s e a a t l ei e s a identified the Lemba with a non-African community (Buijs, 1998). During Apartheid, literally meaning separation, people were classified by race: white, cl e,n b c. n’sc laaits e df e acri tt s cnet( e o r ad l k O e oi cpb ie w r e nd cod go h e ocp s od a s a li e i n e se Mandela 1994 for a first hand description of the Apartheid system). The Apartheid government, the white minority, knew that if black people were united, the white autonomy would be threatened. They instituted a Bantu education system that further classified blacks according to tribe and encouraged local identity and rule in hopes of keeping blacks divided (Mandela 1994). In the 1980s, as the white hold on power was becoming more and more challenged, the gvrm nc a d i eednhm l d† h h e stp uhhthy e sl oe etr t â€Å" dpneto e ns w i w r eu sc t t w r tl n ee n a c e a e ei 10 overseen by South Africa but the government no longer provided money or services to these areas. Lemba in Venda Vendaland was created and within these bounds were the Lemba. Before the independent hm l diw saoalfrBak e s ti n f t m e e ad e e o e n, a f r eo â€Å" l Jw †o d tyh sl s n b r a t v b c ei e v cognized as Lemba, because they were associated with whites and considered superior to other Blacks. However, in t â€Å" l k o e n,w e b cseu t io n oe m n ibcm m rf oalt h Ba hm l d hr l k stph r w gvr et tea e oe a r eo e c a † e a e n , v b be Black and not associated with whites. A highly placed civil servant in Venda government cm et â€Å" i t V na e e a etgop I t s dy w w rl h o m n d ‘ t h ed w w r n le ru. nh e as e e i t e wh e e i o e g -skinned .. . V nar t u l e sro uprl s . t C oe pol (a i,92 8. h h ed t a d si a otf pec s.. e hsn ep †Prt 19: ) T i e ee k a h e ft 7 s refers to the days of their arrival in southern Africa. At the beginning of the century, in spite of the dark skin, the Lemba were commonly called valungu – white men (Parfitt, 1992). The civil srate a e,‘ sog s vrt n ge j ti , y e g L m a os’matter . . . e nr r dâ€Å" l a ee h g osu f em bi a e b dent v m k A n yi s n n B tson sh g s rgi w ogiiar u do y e b oi n†19: ) T e ua so a t nst to g rn, s ti t tm L m a r i (92 7.h i a n t tb e g’ 7 status and identity of the Lemba has not been fixed and it has not always been Jewish. Proclaiming a form of Judaism is an event of the 19th century, but it does come from an o e cm la d eg u i n f ao (a i 19)â€Å" h L m a e e a a i l my l r o p ct r i osd ti t n Prt 92. T e e b si d prc a t d, i e li e ic i ft z tu r h and used it as a means of ridding themselves of a rather ancient ambiguity at a time when new ambiguities were being created every dy (a i,9225. T e e b igop i a†Prt 19:5) h L m as ru wt ft h particular traditional practices, and some say they are not a religious group but a cultural one (Sand, 2002). The Lemba culture today points to ancient Hebrew origins but some Lemba practice Christianity and Islam (Sand, 2002). The practices they do ascribe to ancient Jews would 11 not be identified as Judaism in the West, however they have adopted more Jewish traditions in recent years (Sand, 2002). Lemba today In post-Apartheid times, the Lemba identity is flourishing. They continue to have LCA meetings (Buijs 1998). Websites about their heritage and culture are published on the Internet. People in South Africa can identify themselves with whatever group or groups they please. About 80,000 Lemba live in the Venda area of the Limpopo Province in South Africa as well as the Johannesburg township of Soweto (Buijs, 1998; Sand, 2002). Lemba are also found in villages in the southwestern region of Zimbabwe (Buijs, 1998; Sand, 2002). In the Venda region, people speak TshiVenda. Another day when Rudzani and I were walking through the shopping center, he called up to a man with a phrase I did not understand. With a twinkle in his eyes, he told me that was the traditional greeting for a Jewish brother. Again, I let that pass, thinking he could translate it to mean whatever he wanted since I did not know TshiVenda (a favorite joke of my friends there). In reflection and after research, I do not doubt the old Jewish ties and if I go back to South Africa, I will be sure to find out more. Conclusion The problem with constructing the history of the Lemba identity is that it has been passed down through oral tradition. When it was recorded at the turn of the twentieth century, it is possible the outside visitors were biased or projecting a Jewish identity on the Lemba. Genetic data support the oral tradition, and genetic research has identified anomalies in the Lemba population. Across the articles, the same information about the oral tradition and culture of the Lemba was offered. Ethnographic study of the Lemba traditions, not in contrast to Jews or other Africans, is needed to understand what being Lemba means today. Further research considering political 12 economy, as Buijs did, will continue to fill out the picture of constructions and projections of identity for the Black Jews of South Africa. 13 Works Cited Bradman N, and Thomas M. 1998. Why Y? The Y chromosome in the study of human evolution, migration, and prehistory. Science Spectra, 14. Electronic document, http://www. ucl. ac. uk/tcga/ScienceSpectra-pages/SciSpect-14-98. html. , accessed November 19, 2002 Buijs G. 1998 Black Jews in the Northern Province: A study of ethnic identity in South Africa. Ethnic Racial Studies, 21:661-682. Cavalli-Sforza LL, and F Cavalli-Sforza. 1995. The Great Human Diasporas. Reading, MA: Addison Weasley Publishing Company. Dolan DNA Learning Center. Genetic Origins: Alu Insertion Polymorphism. 2002. Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory. Electronic document, http://www.geneticorigins. org/geneticorigins/pv92/aluframeset. htm, accessed November 19, 2002. Hammer MF, Redd AJ, Wood ET, Bonner MR, Jarjanazi H, Karafet T, Santachiara-Benerecetti S, Oppenheim A, Jobling MA, Jenkins T, Ostrer H, and B Bonne-Tamir. 2000. Jewish and Middle Eastern non-Jewish populations share a common pool of Y-chromosome biallelic haplotypes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 97:6769-6774. Hammer MF, Spurdle AB, Karafet T, Bonner MR, Wood ET, Novelletto A, Malaspina P, Mitchell RJ, Horai S, Jenkins T, and SL Zegura. 1997. The geographic distribution of human Y chromosome variation. Genetics, 145:787-805. Lowenstein JM. 1999. Why the Y? California Wild. Electronic document, http://www. calacademy. org/calwild/spring99/counter. htm, accessed November 19, 2002 MacEachern S. 2000. Genes, Tribes, and African History. Current Anthropology, 41:357-384. 14 Mandela, Neslon. 1994. Long Walk to Freedom: the Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Boston: Little Brown Co. N V O l eL stbs fs e T dr a i’r a alj re. 00( oe br O A n n. otr e o I al uo Prtse r b o ny20. N vm e i i r . ft m k e u 2000). Electronic document, http://www. pbs. org/wgbh/nova/israel/parfitt. html, accessed November 19, 2002. Parfitt, Tudor. 1992. Journey to the Vanished City: Search for a Lost Tribe of Israel. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Poloni ES, Semino O, Passarino G, Santachiara-Benerecetti AS, Dupanloup I, Langaney A, and L Excoffier. 1997. Human genetic affinities for Y-chromosome P49a,f/TaqI haplotypes show strong correspondence with linguistics. American Journal of Human Genetics, 61:1015-1035. Quintana-Murci L, Krausz C, and K McElreavey. 2001. The human Y chromosome: function, evolution and disease. Forensic Science International, 118:169-181. Releford, JH. 2003. The Human Species: An Introduction to Biological Anthropology, 5th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Sand, JP.2002. The Jews of Africa: The Lemba of Southern Africa. Electronic document, http://www. mindspring. com/~jaypsand/lemba. htm. accessed November 18, 2002. Spurdle, AB. 1994. The Y-ALU polymorphism in Southern African populations and its relationship to other Y-specific polymorphisms. American Journal of Human Genetics, 54:319-330. Spurdle A. and T Jenkins. 1996. The origins of the Lemba Black Jews of Southern Africa: evidence from p12F2 and other Y-Chromosome markers. American Journal of Human Genetics, 59:1126-1133. 15 Stumpf MPH, and DB Goldstein. 2001. Genealogical and evolutionary inference with the human Y chromosome. Science. 291:1738-1742. Thomas MG, Parfitt T, Weiss DA, Skorecki K, Wilson JF, le Roux M, Bradman N, and DB Goldstein. 2000. Y chromosomes traveling south: the Cohen modal haplotype and the origins of the Lembathe Black Jews of Southern Africa. American Journal of Human Genetics, 66 (2): 674-686. Thomas MG, Skorecki K, Ben-Ami H, Parfitt T, Bradman N, and DB Goldstein. 1998. Origins of old testament priests. Nature, 394:138-140. Wilson JF, and DB Goldstein. 2000. Consistent long-range linkage disequilibrium generated by admixture in a Bantu-Semitic hybrid population. American Journal of Human Genetics, 67:926-935. 16.

bio :: essays research papers

Bio-molecules are built by assembling atoms, by virtue of covalent bonds. The most collective elements that can be discovered in biomolecules are the CHNOPS element, which stands for the basic abbreviation of carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, phosphorus, and sulfur. Each one of these elements has a specific valence. A valence resolves the number from the covalent bonds it can be able to form. Presuming on the total of electrons in the exterior shell that decides the ability of an atom to connect with other atoms. Every atom may have one or more protons, which carry a positive electric charge. Protons and neutrons form the atoms in atomic nucleus. Electrons transfer a negative charge and fill most of the atoms volume. Every atom has the equivalent number of electrons as protons. By no means we know that an atom carries no charge making it neutral. In the event that atoms share an electron pair this is called a covalent bond. Every atom grows more solid by sharing its uneven electron with t he other. We shall discuss the polar and non-polar covalent bonds. Within a polar covalent bond, atoms of different elements do not install the same pull on shared electrons. The atom that receives the electron ends up with a slender negative charge making it electronegative. While non-polar method states that there is no difference in charge between to ends of the bond, atoms share the electrons evenly . A worthy explanation is to say that molecular hydrogen is non-polar. The types of electrons sharing in covalent bonds contain atoms together in positive arrangements in molecules. Hydrogen bond are weak bonds that can draw water molecules to each other, but results from electrostatic temptation between electronegative atoms together with a hydrogen atom that is bonded covalently up to a second electronegative atom. In water molecule it has no net charge, however it does carry unevenly distribution. So we know that Hydrogen bonds may be able to form between two or more molecules. In form of unlike biological molecules, they rely on sure characteristic gatherings of atoms called functional groups. The six majority functional groups are as follows: amino, carbonyl, carboxyl, hydroxyl, sulfhydryl, and phosphate. bio :: essays research papers Bio-molecules are built by assembling atoms, by virtue of covalent bonds. The most collective elements that can be discovered in biomolecules are the CHNOPS element, which stands for the basic abbreviation of carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, phosphorus, and sulfur. Each one of these elements has a specific valence. A valence resolves the number from the covalent bonds it can be able to form. Presuming on the total of electrons in the exterior shell that decides the ability of an atom to connect with other atoms. Every atom may have one or more protons, which carry a positive electric charge. Protons and neutrons form the atoms in atomic nucleus. Electrons transfer a negative charge and fill most of the atoms volume. Every atom has the equivalent number of electrons as protons. By no means we know that an atom carries no charge making it neutral. In the event that atoms share an electron pair this is called a covalent bond. Every atom grows more solid by sharing its uneven electron with t he other. We shall discuss the polar and non-polar covalent bonds. Within a polar covalent bond, atoms of different elements do not install the same pull on shared electrons. The atom that receives the electron ends up with a slender negative charge making it electronegative. While non-polar method states that there is no difference in charge between to ends of the bond, atoms share the electrons evenly . A worthy explanation is to say that molecular hydrogen is non-polar. The types of electrons sharing in covalent bonds contain atoms together in positive arrangements in molecules. Hydrogen bond are weak bonds that can draw water molecules to each other, but results from electrostatic temptation between electronegative atoms together with a hydrogen atom that is bonded covalently up to a second electronegative atom. In water molecule it has no net charge, however it does carry unevenly distribution. So we know that Hydrogen bonds may be able to form between two or more molecules. In form of unlike biological molecules, they rely on sure characteristic gatherings of atoms called functional groups. The six majority functional groups are as follows: amino, carbonyl, carboxyl, hydroxyl, sulfhydryl, and phosphate.

Organ Selling

Name Term paper for Health Economics, Econ 339 Kidney for Sale: Is the Idea Legal, Ethical, or Economically Sound? Abstract: Each year thousands of people die while waiting for a kidney transplant. A market for kidney sales is currently illegal in nearly every country. This paper addresses the legal and ethical issues, as well as the economic effects that a legal market would create. The following aspects of such a market were explored: the ethical pros and cons; the current price ceiling for a legal kidney; the current supply and demand of donor kidneys; the fair market price; and the effect on supply and demand in a legalized market. The conclusion is that if paying a living donor can be made legal and as ethically acceptable as other medical practices, kidney sales would be economically sound. Keywords: Market for Organs, Health Market Reform, Sales of Organs 1 Introduction Should organ sales be legalized in the United States? In today’s society, many people are suffering from diseases and conditions that require an organ transplant in order to survive. The transplant list for those in need of a new organ such as a kidney seems endless. Every day, nearly 74 people receive an organ transplant, while each day another 17 people die waiting for their transplant due to the lack of donated organs (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). Why is the demand so large? Why are there not enough? Should someone be able to sell his organ to a person in need? Is it legal, ethical or even economically sound to create a market for the sale of a kidney? What economic effects might there be if kidney sales were legalized? In the past few decades, immunosuppressive therapy and improved organ transplant expertise have increased the survival rate of kidney transplant patients (Ghod & Shekoufeh, 2006). For end stage renal disease (ESRD), transplantation, not kidney dialysis, has become the preferred treatment, because it provides the patient with an improved survival rate and a better quality of life (Ghod & Shekoufeh, 2006). In turn, the number of patients with ESRD being treated by dialysis and waiting for transplantation continues to outstrip the donor pool of kidneys (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). The donor pool consists primarily of deceased donors and some live donors. Statistics show that only about 30% of Americans register to donate their organs after death (Knapp, 2005). Over the past ten years, the number of deceased donor kidneys has not increased despite efforts by the National Kidney Foundation, State Drivers License promotions, and celebrity ad campaigns (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). In First World and middle-income countries, the demand for donor kidneys has increased. The populations of these countries live longer and typically develop ailments such as hypertension and diabetes caused by obesity 2|Page which contribute to kidney failure (The Economist, 2008). Fewer deaths from strokes, heart attacks and motor vehicle accidents have reduced the supply of cadaver donors (The Economist, 2008). Each year, the wait list grows longer. Figure 1 illustrates that the demand for kidney transplants has grown faster than the actual supply of kidneys. As of January 2007, there were nearly 95,000 people waiting for an organ transplant (Bramstedt, 2007). In a one year period, 7,000 people died waiting. Of those 7,000, approximately 4,000 were waiting for a kidney (Bramstedt, 2007). The United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS) predicts that by 2010, there will be nearly 100,000 people who will have to wait an average of ten years for a renal transplant (Bramstedt, 2007). If this trend continues, the supply of kidneys will never come close to meeting the demand. Given this dilemma, it is necessary to at least consider other options to procuring the needed kidneys. 2 Legalizing Kidney Sales? A controversial solution is to lift the ban on purchasing kidneys from live donors, or permitting some type of compensation to the families of cadaver donors (Castro, 2003). Currently, the National Organ Transplant Act of 1984 (NOTA) deems the sale of organs unlawful and those who are found guilty of this act could be fined or sentenced to prison (Mayes, 2003). This ban on kidney sales in effect makes the maximum legal price for a kidney $0 (Cloutier, 2007). This is called a price ceiling. Figure 2 demonstrates that only 20,000 kidneys would be supplied through donation when the price is $0. However, 80,000 are demanded. This leaves a shortage of 60,000 kidneys which is the difference between the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied when the price is $0 (Cloutier, 2007). 3|Page Whether or not to reverse or amend this act has been a subject of great debate. There are numerous legal, ethical, and economic questions that are being argued by an array of experts. . 1 The arguments against legalization Opponents of kidney sales argue that this type of market would exploit the poor population (Erin & John, 2003). According to Nancy Scheper-Hughes, who is an anthropologist at the University of California, Berkeley, the demand for human organs would feed off the desperation of the poor who she believes would supply the majority of the organs (Hall, n. d. ). Scheper-Hughes states, â€Å"The organs are going one way. They’re going from poor people to rich people, from Third World to First World or to rich people in the Third World† (Hall, n. . ). Those who make this point believe it would be morally wrong for the wealthy to exploit the poverty of those who would supply the organs in a legalized market (Hall, n. d. ). A study of paid kidney donors in India showed that selling a kidney initially bettered their economic situation, but did not lead to a lifetime of economic benefit (Goyal, 2002). A second argument against legalizing kidney sales has been that the buying and selling of organs violates the dignity of the human person, and it treats the kidney like a commodity (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). Critics claim that the dignity of a human being is denied when his basic parts, such as kidneys, are sold even after he has died and no longer needs them (Castro, 2003). With respect to treating kidneys as a commodity, Scheper-Hughes who strongly objects to the legalization of kidney sales states, â€Å"It’s a question of whether you want to turn the body into a factory of spare parts that becomes simply comodified† (Hall, n. d. ). Although there are a variety of other opinions for not legalizing kidney sales, the two previously mentioned are the ones that are most frequently argued. |Page 2. 2 The arguments in favor of legalization Setting aside the major criticisms, some arguments in favor of kidney sales can be discussed. First, people have the autonomy or right to self-govern and make their own decisions about what is moral or ethical (Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary, 2008). Supporters of this opinion feel that it is not only ethical to sell a kidney, but a right because it is their body and their life. In his article, â€Å"Biotechnology, Ethics and Free Markets,† (2008) Julian Savulescu poses an interesting thought. He states, â€Å"But if you own anything, have a natural right to anything, it is surely your own body. Indeed the fact that we can give organs and parts of our body away implies that we own them. Giving implies ownership – if we can give, we can sell† (Salvulescu, 2008). People take all kinds of risks, including some for money. Some may choose risky jobs because they have determined that the money outweighs the risk (Erin & John, 2003). Others risk damaging their body for pleasure by participating in activities such as smoking or skydiving (Erin & John, 2003). Their activities would not be banned or judged. Friedman sums up the autonomy argument for permitting kidney sales. He states, â€Å"The case for legalizing kidney purchase hinges on the key premise that individuals are entitled to control of their own body parts even to the point of inducing risk of life† (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). A second reason that supports the legalization of kidney sales is financial incentives would lead to more donations, which in turn would save more lives. Dr. Arthur Matas proposes a plan in which donors would be able to sell a kidney. The government would set a price and the expenses would be paid for by the recipient’s health insurance, which would usually be Medicare (Perry, 2007). The sellers would be screened both medically and psychologically prior to the transplant. They would then be followed to determine the impact the sale had on their lives as well as their health (Perry, 2007). Mark J. Perry, a professor of economics and finance at 5|Page the University of Michigan, uses economics to show how a proposal such as Matas’s could increase the number of organs available for transplant. He explained that whenever there are shortages, market pricing is absent. Market pricing will reduce or eliminate shortages. Therefore, market pricing for kidneys would eliminate or reduce the shortage and save thousands of lives every year (Perry, 2007). A fair market minimum price, much like a minimum wage for labor, would prevent the poor from being taken advantage of, and give buyers a chance at life (Savulescu, 2008). A fair market price of $45,000 was suggested by the Nobel laureate (in economics) Becker (Savulescu, 2008). He based this fair market price on an average annual salary of $40,000, which would be a lifetime income of 3 million (Savulescu, 2008). He calculated the risk of death at 1%, and a 5% decrease in the quality of life during the recovery period, which equaled $7,000 (Savulescu, 2008). He adjusted the price of the fair market after calculating the true risk of death at about 1/300. This made the final fair market price $20,000 (Savulescu, 2008). Figure 3 illustrates what would happen if the ban on kidney sales was lifted (Cloutier, 2007). The graph indicates that at $30,000, the amount of kidneys supplied would meet the number of kidneys demanded. Also, as the amount of money paid per kidney rises, the number of kidneys supplied would increase. Therefore, the equilibrium would be reached at $30,000 thus eliminating the shortage (Cloutier, 2007). In short, payment for kidneys equals lives saved. The third reason to permit the sale of kidneys is that it would be a financial benefit for an insurance company or Medicare (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2006). Researchers at the University of Maryland School of Medicine determined that a kidney transplant not only improved the quality of life for their patients, but it also saved money (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2006). They found that it was cheaper to have a transplant than to stay on 6|Page kidney dialysis for years until a donor match was found (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2006). In fact, the researchers discovered the break even point was 2. 7 years, which saved the hospital about $27, 000 per year, per patient (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2006). Perhaps, even more significant was the finding that the use of living donor kidneys decreased costs because they functioned better than cadaver kidneys right after transplant (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2006). 3 Assessment A review of both sides of this issue leads to the conclusion that selling a kidney should be legal and ethical, and it would be economically favorable because it would benefit thousands of people. The first opposing view was that a market for kidney sales would exploit the poor population. This argument is faulty because being poor does not make a person incapable of making a rational decision (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). They are certainly able to weigh the risks of this choice. According to Savulescu (2008), â€Å"If altruistic donation is safe enough, then commercial donation should be just as safe if it is legalized. Also, keeping the poor population from being donors prevents them from improving their financial situation (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). Finally, the gap between supply and demand for a kidney also concerns the poor because it creates a situation where someone could take advantage of them (Economist, 2008). If a legal market was regulated, there would be less possibi lity for black market activities because there would be no direct sales or purchases. Therefore, there would be no exploitation of the poor in other countries (Erin & John, 2003). The second argument against legalizing kidney sales is that the buying and selling of organs violates the dignity of the human person, and it treats the kidney like a commodity (Friedman & Friedman, 2006). This position is also flawed. Savulescu (2008) states, â€Å"Where a 7|Page fair price is set, sellers are making judgments about how to promote their own well-being and other values. This is the expression of human dignity: to be autonomous. † Treating the kidney as a commodity is no different than the sale of hair, eggs, blood or semen. Currently, the sale of these bodily materials is legal and ethically accepted despite the fact that they are sold by an unequally large portion of people who are poor (Castro, 2003). 4 Conclusion If paying a living donor can be made legal and as ethically acceptable as other medical practices, kidney sales would be economically sound. Establishing a fair market price for a kidney would address concerns about equity and prevent exploitation by those in an illegal market (Savulescu, 2008). A fair market price would also likely entice more people to sell a kidney. This in turn would increase the supply, decrease the demand and eliminate the shortage. References (2008, October 9). The gap between supply and demand. Retrieved November 27, 2008, from Economist. com Web site: http://www. economist. com/world/international/ displaystory. cfm? story_id=12380981 Autonomy. (2008). In Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Retrieved November 28, 2008, from http://www. merriam-webster. com/dictionary/autonomy Bramstedt, K (2007). Checklist: Passport, plane ticket, organ transplant. American Journal of Transplantation. 7(7), 1698-1701. 8|Page Castro, L. D. 2003). Commodification and exploitation: Arguments in favor of compensated organ donation. Journal of Medical Ethics. 29, 142-146. Doucet, B (2008). Kidney kingpin case highlights practical & ethical arguments for free markets. Retrieved November 25, 2008, from Quebecois Libre Web site: http://www. quebecoislibre. org/08/080210-4. htm Erin, C. A. , & Harris, J (2003). An ethical market in human organs. Jou rnal of Medical Ethics. 29, 137-138. Friedman, A. L (2006). Payment for living organ donation should be legalized. BMJ. 333, 746-748. Friedman, E. A. , & Friedman, A. L. , (2006). Payment for donor kidneys: Pros and cons. Kidney International, 69, 960-962. Ghods, A. J. , & Savaj, S (2006). Live kidney organ donation: Is it time for a different approach?. Clinical Journal of American Society of Nephrology. 1, 1136-1145. Goyal, M, Mehta, R. L, Schneiderman, L. J, & Sehgal, A. R. (2002). Economic and health consequences of selling a kidney in India. The Journal of the American Medical Association, 288, 1589-1593. Hall, Joseph (n. d. ). Opening up the market for organs: Support grows for selling body parts, donors for profit don't really benefit. Toronto Star. Knapp, T (2005, April 4). Organ agonistes. Retrieved September 17, 2008, from Free-Market News Network Web site: http://www. freemarketnews. com/ Analysis/118/1275/April-4 2005. asp? nid=1275=118 9|Page Mayes, G (2003). Buying and selling organs for transplantation in the United States. Medscape Transplantation, 4(2), Retrieved November 23, 2008, from http://www. medscape. com/viewarticle/465200_print Perry, M (2007, December 13). Markets in everything: Organ sales. Retrieved November 24, 2008, from Carpe Diem Web site: http://mjperry. blogspot. com/2007/11/ markets-ineverything-organ-sales. tml Savulescu, Julian (2008, September 8). Biotechnology, ethics and free markets. Retrieved November 29, 2008, from University of Oxford Web site: http://www. practicalethicsnews. com/practicalethics/2008/06/setting-a-minim. html Savulescu, Julian (2008, June 19). Setting a minimum price for the sale of organs. Retrieved November 29, 2008, from University of Oxford Web site: http://www. practica lethicsnews. com/practicalethics/2008/06/setting-a-minim. html 10 | P a g e Appendix Figure 1: Illustrates that the wait list rises at a faster rate than the total number of transplants. Source: (Cloutier, 2007). Figure 2a: A price ceiling of $0 is established due to the ban on kidney sales. Source: (Cloutier, 2007). 11 | P a g e How many kidneys are demanded at P=$0? 20,000 kidneys supplied (donated) at P= $0 80,000 kidneys demanded at P= $0 Figure 2b: How many kidneys are supplied and demanded when the legal price is $0. Source: (Cloutier, 2007). What would happen if the ban on kidney sales was lifted? Figure 2c: Shows what would happen if the ban on kidney sales was lifted. Source: (Cloutier, 2007). 12 | P a g e

Many researches Essay

Many researches have been conducted with regards to the effect of a particular plant or animal in the environment. These organisms are also called invasive species and are considered as one major factor of ecological imbalance and the increased deterioration of the balance in natural resources. This variety of animals poses harm on other species which can lead to a gradual decrease in population and even extinction if the problem will not be addressed properly. As a response by scientists specializing in the field of biology and ecosystem, they have made in-depth studies to be able to come up with the possible solution for the problem. One clear example of this situation is the effect of a particular freshwater fish known as the black bullhead and its adverse effect in the biodiversity and ecological harmony in European freshwaters. Having a scientific name Ameiurus melas, this fish was not native in Europe but from North America. Previous studies were conducted and claimed considered the increase in population of this fish specie as an imminent threat against the local fish species in the said region. Moreover, further proliferation of this non-local fish can lead to imbalance in the ecological harmony among preys and local predators that can be found in European waters. The study was conducted to evaluate the effect of black bullhead to the predatory performance of the local predator pike with a scientific name Esox Lucius L. The study was made in the year 2006 where the researchers set up individual containers with different experimental treatments. The study was made during the autumn season where the researchers chose equal weights and sizes of black bullheads and pikes. They prepared containers containing equal amounts of water and other parameters needed in setting up an artificial ecosystem. The researchers then acquired enough amounts of roach for each basin which is the prey of both the black bullhead and the pike and systematically treated each container. One container was placed with roach but no predators while another container was filled with the roach and black bullhead only. Another container was filled with roach and pike only and another basin was filled with the prey and both predators. Turbidity was also varied in each container, one with low and another basin with high turbidity. Afterwards, careful and thorough observations were made concerning the entire experimental set up. With the use of statistical and mathematical tools in analyzing the results of the experiments, the researchers prepared and came up with the result of the study. One of the results of the study is that the prey consumption on the containers with pike alone and both bullhead and pike has little discrepancies. This result suggests that pike’s consumption was less when mixed with bullhead compared when there is only pike in the area. Many factors were accounted with regards to the research output like the direct struggle between the two distinct predators and even behavioral intrusions of the bullhead on the pike predator. Another research finding is that turbidity has no significant effect on the efficiency of the pike, disproving the claims that water transparency has a major effect on the performance of the local predators. The study was conducted with finesse and used appropriate mathematical tools in interpreting data. However, more researches should still follow in a large-scale setting and in a natural habitat location to be able to come up with a more reliable research output. Though the research presented good and unbiased results, further study should pursue in the same objective to be able to support the claims of the study made with more research parameters to consider. References Kreutzenberger, K. , Leprieur, F. & Brosse, S. †The Influence of the invasive black bullhead Ameiurus melas on the predatory efficiency of pike Esox Lucius L. † Journal of Fish Biology (2008) 73, 196–205. Retrieved on April 22, 2009. Retrieved from http://fabienlep. free. fr/leprieur/Leprieur_JFishBiol_2008. pdf

Mexicos Culture Essays

Mexicos Culture Essays Mexicos Culture Essay Mexicos Culture Essay Trying to immediately start negotiations can be seen as pushy as the Mexican people are more relaxed and want to start personal relationships before conducting a equines relationship. First meetings are usually exclusively for the purpose of casual conversation. Attempts to come to a definite decision can be put off with the phrase, Manama signifying later and can serve to redirect a conversation or be a way of saying no. Courtesy titles followed by surname should be used at all times, unless those in your group have professional titles, which should be used. Gift giving is necessary, but is a nice touch if relatively inexpensive. Red, yellow, or white flowers have bad symbolism, however, and should not be used. Conservative and modest dress is also important. It is important to recognize negotiations may be time- consuming and good interpersonal skills and emotional passion elicits more respect from Mexican businessmen than credentials. Resources Mexico happens to be very rich in natural resources. The nations main export is crude oil and is among the top five largest producers of petroleum. Other natural resources that Mexico produce includes silver, gold, copper, and lead. With the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean, and Caribbean Sea right at Mexico shoreline, fishery has become extensive and is ranked 17th in worldwide production. Mexico happens to be ranked high in the production of agricultural goods as well. The nation is the fourth largest producer of both corn and sorghum worldwide and the fifth largest producer of beans in the world. Mexico is also in the top ten producers of avocado, cacao, coffee, lemon, mango, orange, tomato, sugarcane, honey and banana. The climate conditions in which Mexico has also allow for the production and exportation of cattle, pigs, goats and sheep. Mexico happens to also be made up of 39% of forestry and woodlands, but because of topography and environmental laws, the dispersed over-harvesting and illegal harvesting of forest resources, which can potentially hurt the economy in Mexico, is some ways. Products Over the past few years Mexico has imported goods from the United States, this is the starting point to institute a better environment for the citizens of Mexico and people wanting to start a business in Mexico. The largest import from U. S. To Mexico is electrical appliances. This shows that Mexico has a sustainable power grid able to keep all these appliances running. Next is almost a tie with $4. 75 Billion Cuds for telecommunication equipment and $4. 9 billion Cuds for industrial supplies. Both of these together reports that Mexico has a growing wireless infrastructure and a growing industrial sector, creating Jobs and a better living environment for its employees and consumers. Price Points The average Mexican household consists of 3. 9 people as opposed to 2. 9 peoples in US households. The quarterly household income has declined by 12. 8% between 2008-2010, during this time the average monthly income was $995 USED, and spending was $871 USED a month. This was the worst recession since the sasss for Mexico. The average population age is between 12-29 at 31. %, followed by the age group 30-49 at 26. 3%. The largest consumer base in Mexico is the teens and young adults, creating a boom i n able workers and willing consumers. Mexico Economic System Mexico has a free market economy with a mixture of modern and outdated agriculture industries. Mexico has a very limited number of state-owned enterprises. As a direct result of NONFAT. Trade has more than doubled with the US and Canada. This has had a phenomenal impact on the economic system and has bolstered gross profits ten-fold. The biggest industries (consecutively) are agriculture, energy and inning, communications, transportation, and tourism. The GAP purchasing power apart is $815. 3 billion , the real growth rate is 4. 8%, and the per capita purchasing power parity is $8,300. The composition by sector is agriculture at 6%, industry at 26%, and services at 68%. As far as demographics are concerned, the population below poverty line is at 27%. The current inflation rate is at about 18. 6%. Mexico debt began taking root in August of 1982 when Mexico announced to the world that it was unable to pay what it owed to its international creditors. Due to Mexico rapid rise in large-scale loans, rapid inflation and high floating interest rates skyrocketed. Organizations of Petroleum Exporting Countries also known as OPEC soon began to amass immense wealth, and banks were eager to lend billions of dollars. Mexico in turn borrowed large sums of money at low, but floating interest rates. As a result of the irresponsibility of both creditor and debtor governments, Mexico did not use the money for productive investment, but rather spent them on immediate consumption. Consequently, Mexico then in turn did not have money to repay their loans. During the Mexican Peso Crises of 1994, Mexico announced to the international financial community that it did not have enough external liquidity to fulfill its financial obligations and requested a 90 day rollover of the payments of the principal to prepare toward definite restructuring financial package. The impact of this announcement was far-reaching and created an atmosphere that caused intense relations on all exports. The price of oil began to skyrocket and the number of exports diminished as interest rates rose, causing debtors to default on all of their loans. This rings us to a current national debt of $274, 800 (Million USED). Political System The Mexican political system is modeled after the United States. Although there are some differences in place, the overall concept is similar. In 1917, the Mexican Constitution (Constitution ¶n Political De Los Estates Unites Mexicans) was made, but the ideal democracy that Mexico was aiming for was not in place until the late sass to early sass. Over the years, Mexico has not had a steady government structure and over the span of 55 years, during the early sass, went through 75 different residents. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PR) was the primary winner for most of the elections in Mexico (7 decades), with the other two parties being the Democratic Revolution Party (PRE) and the National Action Party (PAN). The PRI political party is said to be like a dictatorship because of its corruption and promotion of social order and the other two parties spend more time trying to keep the PRI out of the executive seat, but have failed to do so in years past. In 2000 the Prigs reign ended and the PAN political party had taken over the Mexican political system. Now, as the six-year term of Feline Cauldron is coming to an end, Meringue Penn Unite of the PRI party is going to be the new president and the PRI will be back in power after a twelve-year hiatus. Meringue Penn Unite will go into office starting December 1st, 2012 and says that the PRI party is now more reformed than before. Legal system Mexico actually has a highly evolved and organized legal system. The roots of this system are rather unique in the fact that this legal system is founded on both ancient and classical, thanks to the influence of the Greek, Roman, and Spanish systems. However, in recent years, Mexico has started to structure its governmental common law country and Mexico is considered a civil law country. Under common law, the US focuses on case law, customs, and usage as opposed to legislative enactments. Under civil law, also referred to as colonial law, Mexico civil law system derived directly from Roman law and is a highly formal body of law, while capitalizing on intricate laws, customs, and accepted legal requirements. Mexico constitution was written in 1917 and is the most important document. A companion comment to the Constitution is the Civil Code which consists of over 3,000 documents organized in to 4 books with chapters and sections. The Civil Code adheres to Mexico revolutionary spirit and communality tendencies as the code values community needs over individual needs and property rights are not absolute. The Commercial Code is also a compilation of many articles organized into 5 separate books. It covers all forms of business and gives procedures for commercial litigation. Magistrates of the Supreme Court are appointed for six years by the President and infirmed by the Senate; they can be removed only on impeachment. The courts include the Supreme Court with 21 magistrates, 12 collegiate circuit courts with three judges each and nine unitary circuit courts with one Judge each, and 68 district courts with one Judge each. (B. Turner (De. ), 2009) Trim-branch system with a president elected every 6 years. Entry Method There are many ways a business can enter the international market of Mexico. Often times, the first step to testing a market is through exporting to the country. NONFAT, the North American Free Trade Agreement, made it possible for trade to occur teen Canada, Mexico, and the United States tariff-free. This means as a business person, the costs associated with entering the Mexican economy drastically drop due to low barriers to entry. If an American business wants to take the next step, licensing and franchising could prove to be a lucrative investment. Through licensing and franchising, the business would be exporting property rights, the name, business strategies, and standard operating procedures. The franchise sector in Mexico grew between 9- 12% in 2011, continuing to be one of the most important sectors in the countrys economic growth. Due to the importance of franchising to the Mexican economy, the Mexican Congress amended the Law of Industrial Property, which helps protect Mexican franchisees from abuse via the franchiser. This created more interest in the concept of franchising and conservative estimates show there will be an 8% increase of franchises in 2012. Considering Mexico trade agreements with over 50 countries and fairly low barriers to entry, the country would be a viable option for Foreign Direct Investment. The countries of Mexico agreements represent 2/3 of total imports in the world and % of the worlds GAP. Through these agreements, Mexico is granted preferential access to Mexican cities among the Top 10 Latin American Cities of the Future, one of them being number 3. Many companies enter Mexico due to cheaper labor and their membership with NONFAT. According to the CIA World Fact Book, Mexico is the largest exporter in Latin America with $349. Billion in exports; this number qualifies them to be the 16th largest exporter in the world. This number shows that companies go there and access their cheaper resources and take advantage of their trade alliances for exporting to other countries. Long term profit potential Because of the potential that Mexico holds in this worlds economy, their long-term profit potential can be great a s compared to other countries in Latin America. As an American business, placing something as simple as production within Mexican borders would allow them to avoid the most expensive corporate taxes in the world as well as labor costs. Despite popular belief, pursuing a Greenfield Investment in Mexico is far more expensive than building a business in America. Opportunity Costs Mexico ($USED) At-NCAA ($USED) Starting the business 8 days 949. 58 675 Construction 30464. 72 6990 Electricity 6138. 59 7926. 7 Total (SAID) 67552. 89 1 5591 . 7 It costs on nearly $70,000 (USED) to build new facilities in Mexico, which is a large expense considering the $16,000 (USED) it costs in the United States. A benefit to consider is that once the business is in Mexico, it will cost $0 to export into America and European Free Trade Area. One would be avoiding the corporate taxes in America, which are the largest in the world at 39. 2%, while enjoying the tax rate in Mexico at 30%. The most staggering figure is that minimum wage in America is $7. 25 (USED) and minimum wage in Mexico is nearly half of that at $4. 0 (USED). Knowing their long-term profit potential. Pursuing options such as franchising, direct foreign investment, acquisitions, or simply exporting, will boost a companys chances at realizing a long-term profit margin. CONCLUSION Mexico is a unique option for international business. After years of stagnation and struggles with debt, Mexico is a leader among developing countries in adapting towards a technology and industrial based society. Sustainable options have insured that valuable agricultural resources and natural resources, such as petroleum, are available for international trade. Indeed, Mexico has worked to befriend many developed countries and is an important intermediary in reaching all of Latin America. Mexicans are willing to add increased ease to starting a business in their country, and increased transparency and governmental vigilance to curb drug related violence makes Mexico an intriguing prospect for at least foreign direct investment. However, serious ramifications in entering Mexico now include the current change in political power. As the revolutionary focused, radical PRI party led by Meringue Unite prepares to regain the presidency and probably the congress next ear, foreign businessmen should be mindful of the possible implications a radical government adds to business ventures. Nor should the community-focused tendencies of the Mexican government be ignored. While defined as a free market economy, the Mexican government does not recognize any private property belonging to the citizenry which increases possible operational risks. Mexico has stabilized its currency in recent years but is still reliant on the US dollar and any adverse economic effects the United States could face in coming years would have hit the Mexican economy and people with a great intensity.